| 
          
         | 
        
          
            <<  
             ^ 
              >>
          
          
            
              
                Date: 2002-01-18
                 
                 
                Cops im Computer
                
                 
-.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- 
                 
                
      Zwar nicht mehr ganz taufrisch vom Datum - weil mehr als 24 alt - aber vom  
Inhalt wird Mike Godwins Analyse noch ein bisschen länger halten. Wie sich  
Content- und IT-Industrie gegen den Rest der Welt verschwören könnten, um  
ihn auszuspionieren. 
 
-.-. --.-  -.-. --.-  -.-. --.-  -.-. --.-  -.-. --.-  -.-. --.-   
A Cop in Every Computer The content and technology industries differ over an  
initiative that would build infringement-sniffing powers into new computers  
Mike Godwin 
 
January 16, 2002 There's a war looming in cyberspace over copyright. The  
war will not be about whether to combat the spread of unauthorized copies of  
computer programs, music or movies. On that point, the combatants agree.  
This will be a war about tactics and solutions.  
 
The content industry -- especially Hollywood and the record labels -- wants  
the solution built into computers and other digital devices, such as Palm  
Pilots and MP3 players. The industry also wants it built into software,  
operating systems, Web browsers, and routers -- the devices that guide  
Internet traffic. It's a solution designed around the assumption that nearly all  
computer and Internet users are potential large-scale infringers.  
 
In short: The content industry wants to place a copyright cop in your  
computer. It also wants to station one anyplace else on the Internet where an  
unauthorized copy might be made.  
 
And if the industry has its way, we all may feel the consequences. Digital  
videos you shot in 1999 may be unplayable on your computer in 2009. You  
may no longer be able to move music or video files around easily from one  
computer to another (from, say, a home desktop to a laptop or to a personal  
digital assistant).  
 
The content companies, on the other hand, see something different at stake.  
In a speech before Congress in 2000, Michael Eisner, chief executive of The  
Walt Disney Co., voiced the worries of the content industry when he said that  
"the future of the American entertainment industry [and] the future of  
American consumer" is at stake over the issue.  
 
The content companies, with Eisner in the lead, argue that failure to build  
copy protection into the very digital environment itself will lead to their  
industry's destruction.  
 
In previous battles over copyright, Hollywood and the large record labels have  
received the full support of their powerful friends in the software and computer  
industry. But this time, many of the high-tech companies are on the other  
side. They're satisfied that current law -- rather than future Rube Goldberg  
design mandates -- can do the trick. "We think mandating these protections  
is an abysmally stupid idea," says Emery Simon, special counsel to the  
Business Software Alliance (BSA), an antipiracy trade group whose  
members include the Adobe, Microsoft, Intel and IBM corporations.  
 
A recent legislative proposal floated by Fritz Hollings, D-S.C., chairman of the  
Senate commerce committee, is the most public manifestation of the content  
industry's struggle. The Hollings bill, called the Security System Standards  
and Certification Act (SSSCA), makes it a civil offense to make or sell digital  
technologies that do not contain what it calls "certified security  
technologies," built-in systems that prevent the copying of content.  
 
Draft versions of the legislation, which hasn't yet been formally introduced,  
also would impose criminal penalties -- up to five years in prison -- upon  
anyone who alters existing security technologies or disables copy protection  
mechanisms.  
 
There's more than one way to prevent copying of copyrighted content.  
Various approaches, sometimes referred to as digital-rights management  
schemes, exist. One general method, called encryption, involves scrambling  
content in a "digital envelope." Encryption is what protects DVD movie and  
video game software from piracy. But the content industry wants to do more  
than just protect content. If encryption is broken -- and hackers are often able  
to break it -- content is free to be copied. To prevent this, the industry wants  
content to be labeled or digitally "watermarked," and it wants computers and  
other devices to be redesigned to look for the watermark, and to limit copying  
accordingly.  
 
Supporters of the Hollings proposal don't couch the legislation in terms of  
protecting embattled copyright interests. They frame it as a measure  
designed to promote digital content and the use of broadband, high-speed  
Internet services. If Hollywood could be assured that its content would be  
protected on the broadband Internet, the argument goes, it would develop  
more compelling programs for the Web and spur greater consumer demand  
for broadband.  
 
An aide to the Senate commerce committee says there are likely to be  
hearings on the bill as early as February 2002; hearings that had been set for  
fall of 2001 were postponed because of the Senate anthrax scare.  
 
Back in 1998, Hollywood, record labels and software and technology  
companies came together to support the Digital Millennium Copyright Act.  
That act -- now law -- prohibited the creation, dissemination, and use of tools  
that circumvent digital-rights management technologies.  
 
There won't be a similar broad-based coalition behind anything like the  
Hollings bill. Software and technology companies simply aren't ready for a  
state-ordered restructuring of their entire industrial sector. In remarks made in  
December at a business technology conference in Washington, D.C., Intel  
Corp. chief executive Craig Barrett spoke out against legislation like the  
Hollings bill. Let the private sector work out its own systems for protecting  
copyright, Barrett said.  
 
A few companies are so big and so diverse that they don't fall easily into the  
content or technology camp. AOL Time Warner, for example, is conflicted.  
The movie companies and other content producers under the AOL Time  
Warner umbrella tend to favor efforts that lock down cyberspace, but AOL  
itself and some of the company's cable subsidiaries oppose compulsory  
designs. "We like the DMCA," says Jill Lesser, AOL Time Warner's senior  
vice president for domestic public policy. "There isn't from our perspective a  
need for additional remedies of copyright violations."  
 
Broad as it is, the Hollings proposal is only one small part of a global effort to  
make the digital world safe for copyrighted materials. Standards groups,  
industry gatherings and global business policy forums are all working to  
create industrywide standards that don't require the approval of lawmakers.  
 
A group called 4C Entity is promoting a standard for building digital rights  
management into digital storage devices, such as hard drives and possibly  
writable CD-ROM drives (the devices that copy CD-ROMs). The 5C  
Consortium is developing a copy protection standard for digital television, and  
interindustry forums like the Content Protection Technology Working Group  
are also working on digital TV.  
 
But the content industry complains that the standard-setting process is  
proceeding at a tortoise's pace. The Hollings bill is meant to speed up the  
process, acting as a lever to compel the technology companies to negotiate  
more and faster.  
 
The movie and TV studios are trying to ward off a possible Napster-like  
scenario. Though the free music-sharing service is now gone, other file- 
sharing systems, more decentralized and less easy to sue, remain. And  
Napster's legacy still casts a shadow over the music industry -- and on the  
content owners as a whole. A technology expert at News Corporation says  
that Napster signals the music industry's downfall. Music fans are now  
accustomed to copying CDs with CD burners, and downloading music from  
the Internet as MP3 files. "Within five years," the expert says, "music will be  
a cottage industry."  
 
Rubbish, responds Matthew Gerson, the vice president for public policy at  
Vivendi Universal S.A., which produces and sells both music (Universal  
Music Group) and movies (Universal Studios Inc.). "We know that if we build  
a safe, consumer-friendly site that has all the bells and whistles and features  
that music fans want, it will flourish," Gerson says. "Fans will have no trouble  
paying for the music that they love, and compensating the artists who bring it  
to them -- established stars as well as the new voices the labels introduce  
year after year."  
 
But maintaining that model -- with the record label serving as the conduit  
between creation and consumption -- depends both on large streams of  
revenue and on control of copyrighted works. The Internet and digital  
technology could cut off the revenue stream by moving music consumers to a  
world in which trading music online for free is the norm.  
 
The record labels and the movie and TV studios see watermarks --  
undetectable yet traceable digital imprints -- as their way to prevent a future  
world of widespread trading in free music, movies, and other types of content.  
 
How would those watermarks work? For an example, let's use digital  
television, a nascent technology that transmits high-quality television  
broadcasts using a digital, rather than an analog, signal. A digital broadcast  
would include a watermark that identifies the content as copyrighted and  
might contain certain instructions. Devices and software designed according  
to the content-industry's mandate would look for the watermark. Those  
devices, in turn, would have strict limitations built in as to whether, and how  
often, a copy of that broadcast could be made.  
 
The reverse might also be true: Those components might be designed not to  
play un-watermarked content. Otherwise, it would only encourage pirates to  
learn how to strip out the watermarks. In a world in which all consumer digital  
technology looks for watermarks, our legacy digital videos and MP3  
collections might no longer be playable.  
 
Digital television is the most pressing worry. Unlike DVD movies, which are  
encrypted on disc and decrypted every time they're played, digital broadcast  
television must be delivered unscrambled. The Federal Communications  
Commission requires that broadcast television be sent in the clear as a  
matter of public policy.  
 
The prospect of high-quality, unencrypted content, delivered digitally, scares  
Hollywood. Without watermarking, consumers could simply record their  
favorite shows, trade them with friends, or -- worst of all -- make them  
available on the Internet, à la Napster.  
 
Content owners are also worried about the computer as it becomes not just a  
stand-alone device but also a component within the overall home  
entertainment system.  
 
Says the BSA's Simon: "That's the multipurpose device that has them  
terrified." The fear is that computers will leak copyrighted content all over the  
world, he says.  
 
And that, says Simon, is why the Hollings legislation is so broadly drafted.  
It's designed to close up all the leaks that digital technology might pose. In  
the drafts made available in the fall of 2001, the Hollings bill would make it a  
civil offense to develop a new computer or related technology that does not  
include a federally approved security standard preventing the unlicensed  
copying of copyrighted works. In at least one version, the law would make it a  
felony to remove a watermark or flag from copyrighted content. It would also  
outlaw logging onto the Internet with any computer that removes or sidesteps  
the copy protection technology.  
 
Before the draft legislation was circulated, "we didn't know how broad this  
was," says one lawyer for cable company interests. Many cable companies  
are worried that the measure will interfere with their customers' viewing  
experience.  
 
Although the Hollings legislation is controversial, its supporters are working  
to garner support. Preston Padden, the executive vice president for  
government relations for Disney, traces the origins of the bill to the Global  
Business Dialog on e-Commerce, a public policy group whose members  
come from a wide range of businesses. The group's IP subcommittee is  
chaired by Eisner, who, after much give and take with software and computer  
companies, shepherded through language favoring government "facilitation" of  
copyright protection standards.  
 
With the group's recommendations in hand, Eisner could go to Congress and  
say there was a general business consensus favoring the passage of new  
laws to protect content on the Internet.  
 
But there is a big difference between what that group generally recommended  
and what the Hollings bill specifically proposes.  
 
The devil will be in the details. IBM, Microsoft and other technology  
companies are all developing their own ways of protecting copyright. Their  
digital rights management schemes are generally based on encryption, not  
watermarks. These companies don't want design mandates, which would  
effectively kill a market they are poised to exploit.  
 
Moreover, technology companies have a "philosophical problem" with being  
told how to build their technologies, says Disney's Padden. With the  
exception of export controls on encryption, the computer and software  
industry does not have much experience with government mandates.  
 
Not surprisingly, Rick Lane, News Corp.'s vice president for governmental  
affairs, and the other content industry lawyers think that the computer  
companies need to get over it. After all, mandates have been a fact of life for  
the consumer electronics industry -- particularly radio and television  
equipment -- for decades. Forty years ago, for example, the government told  
television makers to build UHF-reception capability into all new TVs.  
 
The real problem runs deeper than mere resistance to government control.  
There's a philosophical difference that separates the content industry from  
the technology companies. You can see that difference in the way each  
industry refers to its customers. The content companies refer to  
"consumers," while the tech industry refers to "users." If you see a world of  
"consumers," your major concern is setting prices at the right level, so that  
buyers will purchase your products -- while you still make money. You  
control access to your merchandise, and do everything you can to prevent  
theft. For the same reason that supermarkets have cameras by the door and  
bookstores have electronic theft detectors, content companies want copy  
protection to prevent theft of their wares. Allowing people to take stuff for free  
is inconsistent with their business model.  
 
But if you see a world of "users," you want to give that market more features  
and powers for less money. The impulse to empower users was at the heart  
of the microcomputer revolution. Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak, for example,  
founded Apple Computer Inc. partly because they wanted to put computing  
power into ordinary people's hands.  
 
Redesigning the world of digital tools so that every device, application and  
operating system is on the lookout for copyrighted works is at odds with that  
view.  
 
What gets lost in the debate is the voice of consumers -- whatever they are  
called. Maybe they are willing to trade away open, robust, relatively simple  
digital tools for a more constrained digital world in which they have more  
content choices. But maybe they aren't. The Hollings bill is unlikely to attract  
them to the debate, pitched as a "security standard" rather than as a new  
copyright law.  
 
Like the larger philosophical war that is raging around the world in the  
aftermath of the terrorist attacks, the looming war between these two sides  
has the potential to be a long, difficult fight without a foreseeable conclusion.  
And if and when peace talks begin between the two sides, there's no  
guarantee that the rest of us will have a seat at the table. 
http://www.law.com/cgi-
                   
bin/gx.cgi/AppLogic+FTContentServer?pagename=law/View&c=Article&cid=Z 
ZZGFPVOGWC&live=true&cst=1&pc=0&pa=0&s=News&ExpIgnore=true&sho 
wsummary=0&useoverridetemplate=ZZZHCC0Q95C 
-.-. --.-  -.-. --.-  -.-. --.-  -.-. --.-  -.-. --.-  -.-. --.-
    
                 
- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- 
                
edited by Harkank 
published on: 2002-01-18 
comments to office@quintessenz.at
                   
                  
                    subscribe Newsletter
                  
                   
                
- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- -.-. --.- 
                
                  <<  
                   ^ 
                    >> 
                
                
               | 
             
           
         | 
         | 
        
          
         |